In fact, MCM has said on repeated occasions that the “recovery of Venezuela” will require deeper levels of cooperation with the United States. The Madurismo's miscalculations The anti-imperialism of the Madurismo has the limits of its survival in power. For the general population, the United States' National Security Strategy is of little importance, because Maduro dissolved hope in a better tomorrow. This is a complex panorama for nationalist, progressive forces, and those who have not renounced their left-wing identity, refusing to place themselves under the leadership of EGU-MCM or to accept the Madurismo's misrule. All democratic, progressive, popular, and left-wing forces must denounce and confront the North American offensive against Venezuela, which by no means means defending the Maduro government. This confession by a party to the intentions of the United States should call us to form a broad international front against the imperialist offensive against Venezuela, which with mobilization and denunciation from all corners of the globe, prevents this gringo outrage from taking a position on Venezuela's territorial sovereignty. By Luis Bonilla-Molina. The facts In November 2025, the Trump administration published the document titled National Security Strategy, in its 57 pages (Spanish version) it defines its priorities, emphases, purposes, and course of action. In a country like Venezuela, where even its historical ally Rómulo Betancourt did not accept the placement of gringo military bases on its territory, due to the effect that Creole nationalism would have on the electoral will of the people, this is only possible to achieve with a long chaotic transition that prolongs and, although it may seem incredible, increases the misery and tragedy of the material living conditions of the population experienced during the Madurismo period — something that is becoming increasingly clear in the gringo offensive. The immediate collateral damage is being felt in Cuba, which is unable to receive Venezuelan aid in terms of fuel and oil for its economy and the maintenance of its electrical system. Since the opening of the neocolonial open relationship between the United States and Venezuela, after the European blockade of the Venezuelan coasts (1902-1903), its mediation for the solution of the impasse - justified within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine - and the coup d'état led by Juan Vicente Gómez - which at least the US endorsed - this is an unprecedented turn in the violation of territorial and political sovereignty. To achieve this, since August 2025, the most impressive displacement of military and troops known in the region for decades has been generated. For the common citizen, the North American attack is fundamentally against Maduro, and there are no reasons to defend him. The departure of the Madurismo must be a decision and sovereign process of the Venezuelan people, led by its working class. The Madurismo is not of the left, much less revolutionary. Let's move forward in that direction. Source: https://luisbonillamolina.com/2025/12/17/la-doctrina-trump-para-venezuela-petroleo-y-tierras-raras-bases-militares-informacion-y-desgobierno/ Since the war in Ukraine, it has sought a strategic agreement with the United States, exchanging oil for permanence in power, riding on the possibility of lifting the criminal Coercive Unilateral Measures (MCU) applied forcefully by the United States against Venezuela since 2017. That is, Venezuela for North Americans, as a sentence of the Trump Doctrine. Those who characterize the moment as a simple stage of divergent leadership in the empire are terribly mistaken. The new world order that struggles to be born is incredibly capitalist and militaristic, and the United States aspires not only to be part of it, but to continue to be the hegemonic nation. The problem is that now the Trump administration wants to go much further. The Maduro government has been a disaster for the Venezuelan population and working class. In that scenario, Venezuela acquires a strategic value, due to its mineral wealth - the largest oil reserve, potential for rare earths in the south/Orinoco area - biodiversity - water and genetic reserve - plus a privileged military situation north of South America, south of the Caribbean with a facade on the Atlantic, a few kilometers from the Panama Canal that gives it access to the Pacific. It does the opposite of what logic demands, because its commitment is not to the people but to the maintenance of an accumulation model that favors the rich. Maduro's rhetoric does not correspond to what is socially occurring. No living Venezuelan has known a worse government than Maduro's. In the midst of these conditions of imperialist offensive, Maduro continues with his line of authoritarian action and survival of the sector of the new bourgeoisie that he represents. That is, he has publicly declared his decision to seize the oil reserves and the desire to directly colonize part of Venezuelan territory. He can only achieve this through the direct military occupation of the territory, placing military bases. The United States does not want to repeat the history of the decline of the Spanish empire before the British, it wants to be at the forefront of the geopolitical changes that accompany the fourth industrial revolution. The Trump administration has clearly defined its territorial priorities in what it calls the Western Hemisphere, a kind of expanded border that includes all of Latin America and the Caribbean, Canada, and Greenland. The intervention in Venezuelan airspace, with a NOTAM issued by the North American air traffic authority and the direct presidential order from Trump to prohibit flights to the country, was escalated with the maritime piracy of the capture and confiscation of an oil tanker. In this sense, these are days of promoting an anti-imperialist policy without double standards or doubts. Facing Maduro, EGU-MCM, or any government, the working class must defend its autonomy and reaffirm that only its capacity for struggle will allow it to emerge from the current drama. It is impossible to understand the illiberal and neofascist turn of the Trump administration without linking it to these dynamics. The United States threatens to annex part or all of Venezuelan territory, something unprecedented and of dramatic significance. An imperialist offensive like the one unleashed since August 2025 in the southern Caribbean can only be faced with a great national anti-imperialist front resulting from a minimum nationalist consensus, but this requires reversing its own policies, generating the freedom of political prisoners - among whom are social leaders, progressives, and leftists - a general amnesty for all those tried, imprisoned, and who are subject to restrictive measures, the return of political parties to their legitimate militants, and a reorientation of the meager national income towards wages and salaries. Maduro has been a terminator of the advances that occurred during the chavista period and a deepener of its errors. This December 16, Donald Trump himself has declared that he demands that Venezuela “return the oil, land, and other assets to the United States.” The “post-Maduro boom” of an economy without sanctions, MCM thinks in terms of privatizations, labor flexibility, and attraction of international capital, only possible by maintaining low wages. The United States knows this, which is why its bet on an EGU-MCM transition is to pave the way for the long chaotic transition that will allow it to establish its openly colonial relationship with Venezuelan territory and wealth. We revolutionaries must with humility and determination contribute to this sense and direction. He owes this in large part to Maduro, who in his eagerness to polarize to prevent the consolidation of a left-wing opposition, has played the game that best suits MCM. Faced with this panorama, the desperation of survival has led broad layers of the population to think that an exit from Maduro, by any means, would be the beginning of the recomposition of the situation of opprobium in which one lives. Demand the return of parties, unions, and union federations to their legitimate representations. Image: Members of the Bolivarian National Militia, part of the Venezuelan armed forces, during a demonstration in Caracas. Trump's Declaration of this Tuesday, December 16, 2025, is a radical deepening of the imperialist offensive against Venezuela. An event like this, in the midst of military tensions in the Caribbean, speaks to the instinct of the working class in any scenario in the short and medium term. Added to this, the campaign for a General Amnesty should be deepened, which frees all detainees, tried, and subjected to restrictive measures, opening the way for the meeting of multiple voices to think about national sovereignty in times of imperialist attack. MCM's bet is the promotion of an illiberal government that continues and deepens the neoliberal policies applied by Maduro, especially implemented from 2018 onwards. That is why, the decision to confiscate all oil tankers not authorized by the US Department of the Treasury is another escalation to suffocate the Maduro government and create conditions for its fall, either by internal implosion, a coup from within the Madurismo to initiate a transition agreed upon in the terms of the National Security Strategy, or as a result of a “surgical operation” that allows placing the duo Edmundo González Urrutia (EGU)– María Corina Machado (MCM) in power. Its strategy of absolute liberalization of the market economy as a formula to generate employment places it with its back to the central problem of the Venezuelan in the short term, wages and the return of minimally decent material living conditions. The United States knows this, which is why its bet on an EGU-MCM transition is to pave the way for the long chaotic transition that will allow it to establish its openly colonial relationship with Venezuelan territory and wealth. We revolutionaries must with humility and determination contribute to this sense and direction. He owes this in large part to Maduro, who in his eagerness to polarize to prevent the consolidation of a left-wing opposition, has played the game that best suits MCM. Faced with this panorama, the desperation of survival has led broad layers of the population to think that an exit from Maduro, by any means, would be the beginning of the recomposition of the situation of opprobium in which one lives. Demand the return of parties, unions, and union federations to their legitimate representations. Image: Members of the Bolivarian National Militia, part of the Venezuelan armed forces, during a demonstration in Caracas. Trump's Declaration of this Tuesday, December 16, 2025, is a radical deepening of the imperialist offensive against Venezuela. An event like this, in the midst of military tensions in the Caribbean, speaks to the instinct of the working class in any scenario in the short and medium term. Added to this, the campaign for a General Amnesty should be deepened, which frees all detainees, tried, and subjected to restrictive measures, opening the way for the meeting of multiple voices to think about national sovereignty in times of imperialist attack. MCM's bet is the promotion of an illiberal government that continues and deepens the neoliberal policies applied by Maduro, especially implemented from 2018 onwards. That is why, the decision to confiscate all oil tankers not authorized by the US Department of the Treasury is another escalation to suffocate the Maduro government and create conditions for its fall, either by internal implosion, a coup from within the Madurismo to initiate a transition agreed upon in the terms of the National Security Strategy, or as a result of a “surgical operation” that allows placing the duo Edmundo González Urrutia (EGU)– María Corina Machado (MCM) in power. Its strategy of absolute liberalization of the market economy as a formula to generate employment places it with its back to the central problem of the Venezuelan in the short term, wages and the return of minimally decent material living conditions. The United States does not want to share these privileges with China, Russia, or any emerging nation. We are living through the first regional military offensive with technology, technique, and purposes of the fourth industrial revolution, which is why its interpretation with the paradigmatic keys of the first three industrial revolutions is terribly limited. The impossible transition María Corina Machado (MCM) has an undisputed leadership among the Venezuelan population, even in sectors that historically supported Chavism. Not only in terms of wages and material living conditions, but also in the restriction of basic democratic freedoms, such as the right to opinion, freedom of expression, the possibility of autonomously organizing in unions and political parties, territorial roots, and comprehensive human development. The United States bets on a domino effect in the region, that produces the “carambola” of displacing in one fell swoop the governments of Caracas, Havana, and Managua. But leadership - of MCM - socially rooted, is not the same as the ability to govern, especially if the diagnosis of the Venezuelan crisis and the path to its overcoming is wrong. In that rearrangement, control over energy and inputs for innovation (oil, uranium, lithium, rare earths) play a central role. The economic asphyxiation of the country seems to be the ideal tool to concretize any of these colonial initiatives. But he has done the opposite, he has deepened repression, increased the number of detainees and tried, deepened the fall of wages and the concentration of wealth in a few hands. “America First!” Is the expression that condenses the imperialist, neofascist, and neocolonial attitude of the North Americans at present. There is no anticapitalist state counterweight on this board, although the revolution from below continues to appear on the horizon as a possibility. That is, the positioning is for the total control of the so-called Western Hemisphere. Additionally, using the latest generation technological advances in data capture and processing, the United States is advancing in the implementation of the predictive control regime by having extremely valuable information on the behavior of the population - of the Western Hemisphere in general and Venezuela in particular - in the face of its military deployment in the southern Caribbean. The question is whether there will be enough time to build an autonomous pole for another possible transition. What to do? Continue betting - and working - on the constitution of an autonomous political pole of workers, unreservedly supporting initiatives such as the formation on December 12 of the Unitary Agreement of 6 union centrals, federations, guilds, and unions for the rescue of wages. That is why, the clinic of rumors and counter-information that it generates daily on social networks, to encourage responses from the population, to segment and classify them, for the construction of its action scenarios.
